The “embodiment” alternative denies that such rules exist. Lbog, then, would remain ill-formed even if sensorimotor demands would be altered (e.g., by presenting the input in print, or by engaging the articulatory motor system). Thus, in the abstraction view, a stimulus like lbog is ill-formed because it violates the rules that govern syllable structure. Rather, it asserts that linguistic knowledge consists of the collection of one’s sensorimotor linguistic experiences (e.g., Barsalou, 2008 Barsalou et al., 2003 MacNeilage, 2008). The embodiment view, then, does not merely assert that knowledge of language forms part of one’s body-this much is uncontroversial. The embodiment view, by contrast, denies that rules play a role. The abstraction view assumes that knowledge of language consists of abstract algebraic rules. The debate is about what linguistic knowledge entails, and, correspondingly, how it is encoded in the human brain. Both sides, then, agree that knowledge of language forms part of the human brain. On the contrary, the “abstraction” view asserts that knowledge consists of a set of physical symbols that form part of the human body/brain (e.g., Fodor & Pylyshyn, 1988 Newell, 1980). By stating that knowledge of language is “abstract” (as opposed to “embodied”), one is not espousing some ethereal substance, distinct from the body. In considering this debate, one red herring ought to be removed upfront. But on an alternative embodiment explanation, the sound structure of language is determined by articulatory motor action during speech processing-either overt articulation (in production) or its covert simulation (in perception). Generative linguistic accounts (e.g., McCarthy & Prince, 1998 Prince & Smolensky, 2004) attribute the sound patterns of language to abstract phonological principles (rules, constraints hereafter, the abstraction hypothesis). Why are certain syllable types systematically preferred For example, syllables like blog are more frequent across languages than lbog (e.g., Greenberg, 1978) and they are easier for individual speakers to perceive this is the case for adults (e.g., Berent et al., 2007 Davidson et al., 2015 Moreton, 2002 Pertz & Bever, 1975), children (e.g., Berent et al., 2011 Jarosz, 2017 Maïonchi-Pino et al., 2010, 2012, 2013 Ohala, 1999 Pertz & Bever, 1975) and neonates (Gómez et al., 2014). These conclusions speak to the role of embodiment in the language system, and the separation between phonology and phonetics, specifically.Īcross languages, certain phonological patterns are systematically preferred to others. This dissociation suggests that some (e.g., phonetic) aspects of speech perception are reliant on motor simulation, hence, embodied others (e.g., phonology), however, are possibly abstract. Remarkably, stimulation did not affect sensitivity to syllable structure. Results suggested that the perception of these stimuli was selectively modulated by motor stimulation (e.g., stimulating the tongue differentially affected sensitivity to labial vs. Russian speakers) lightly bit on their lips or tongues. traf > tmaf > tpaf) meanwhile, participants (English vs. corona-initial speech stimuli (e.g., plaf > pnaf > ptaf vs. Four experiments compared sensitivity to the syllable structure of labial- vs. In the simulation account, ill-formed syllables (e.g., ptaf) are disliked because their motor plans are harder to simulate. Here, we examine whether these preferences arise from motor simulation. Across languages, certain syllables are systematically preferred to others (e.g., plaf > ptaf).
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